I want to start off by expressing my anger and disappointment in the democratic system that is
completely broken. I often feel like the idea of a “democracy”, where the people’s ideas and
wants are represented is completely made up and broken. How can an entire nation protest and
fight for something for so long but their voices are still ignored? I want to share a quote written
by Franklin D. Roosevelt, where he firmly states what democracy should be like, not what it has
become. “Let us never forget that government is ourselves and not an alien power over us. The
ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President and senators and congressmen and
government officials, but the voters of this country”, the Macedonian people want an
explanation. They deserve an explanation.
Why should our name change when the majority of us refuse the name change? What happened
to our voices? What happened to democracy? About 65% of Macedonians are against the Prespa
Agreement, however Prime Minister of Macedonia Zoran Zaev, continued pressuring the people
to vote for something they clearly oppose. This doesn’t sound like a democracy to me, it sounds
like dictatorship. And that is the truth. The Macedonian people are living in a dictatorship.
According to Atifete Jahjaga, “Democracy must be built through open societies that share
information. When there is information, there is enlightenment. When there is debate, there are
solutions. When there is no sharing of power, no rule of law, no accountability, there is abuse,
corruption, subjugation and indignation”. It is very ironic how the USA praises democracy,
freedom, and human rights but is pressuring Macedonians to change their name. We do not want our name to be changed, it is that simple. We refuse for our name to be changed. We have been manipulated by the Greeks for a very long time. They have robbed us from our identity, they have killed thousands and thousands of ethnic Macedonians. Why are we still pleasing them? They are trying to wipe us down as a nation, and we are willing to give up our name and identity to satisfy them? How can we make an agreement with the enemy? We can do better than this!
The democratic system is completely broken, government officials are thirsty for power and
money. It seems like they have forgotten what democracy really means. However, we have to
remember that we are bigger than them in numbers. I am encouraging all of the Macedonian
people not to be tricked into changing our name. This is not the right solution to our problems as
a nation. It is true that Macedonia needs to improve as a country, and we can. But we cannot be
told that the only way we can do this is through changing our name and giving up our identity.
First of all, even with our name changed we are not guaranteed an entrance into the EU or
NATO. Secondly, the entrance to EU and NATO will not change our country over night. In
order for Macedonia to improve, we need to work together to end corruption in our government
system. We need to realize we have to change and we have to work towards a better future for
our country! This is our democracy! We make it, protect it, and pass it on!
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Update: As of 2/21/2018, in affirmation of the claims presented below, a group of Greek Twitter spammers has taken to relentlessly harassing a 19-year old Macedonian girl online whose only affiliation to the writing of this article was her ethnicity.
Ideological purity. Intolerance of dissent. Denial of facts. College campuses in America have been run amock by all this due to a culture of hypersensitivity. Hear ideas you disagree with? Shut them down, resort to violence if necessary. Feeling attacked by the curriculum? Destroy the professor’s reputation. Dislike another group? Exclude them entirely. The impetus for such an inane perspective rests on a three-pronged view of the world:
The validity or invalidity of a statement can be judged solely by the ethnic, cultural, or political association of the claimant
Anybody who disagrees with (1) is engaging in a dangerous and harmful ideology
Repression, sometimes violence, is necessary to stamp out such an ideology.
What’s worse, of course, is the college authorities and campus police that cater to the whims of an otherwise coddled group. While concerning to say the least, for the time being, it is at least localized to a campus setting. No country has yet risen to this level of absurdity…or so we think. Enter Greece, the country equivilant of a modern-day college student: terrible at saving, selective in its approach to work, and consistently given everything it wants.
While already drawing the distinction as one of the most debt-ridden countries in Europe, few dare also call Greece one of Europe’s most hypersensitive countries in existence. Disagree with a Greek historian? Threaten her life. Offended by the use of “Macedonia” in Indiana Jones? Threaten to sue Steven Spielberg. Overly traumatized by the existence of a Greek-Macedonian dictionary? Assault the academics presenting it. Of course, the problem with Greece’s hypersensitivity does not begin nor end with Macedonia. In 2016, despite previously almost bankrupting the entire European economy and still being given a bailout, many Greeks conjured up fanciful anti-Hellenic global conspiracy theories to explain their problems.
So, why has it come to this?
Greece has long been the darling of Europe and the West; not only did the Phillhellenes of 19th century Europe help resurrect a modern Greek state amidst a hodgepodge of ethnic groups, but being the one country in the Balkans to stave off the spread of communism saw the West pamper Greece with an unearned sense of moral superiority and entitlement. In other words, Greece has been a silver-spoon baby of Europe with its first steps.
Like the trophy generation of today, Greece’s sense of entitlement continues to fuel its hysteria, much to the chagrin of Europe. After all, the West created it. It was the West that first caved during Greece’s tantrums over claims that Macedonia’s flag and name threatened the entire security and integrity of Greece. Of course, back in reality, we recognize that Greece’s military budget is larger than the GDP of Macedonia. But facts do not matter here, feelings do. It only mattered that Greece felt like it was threatened for Europe to respond. Much like college professors caving to the absurd demands of trauma from students reading Shakespeare in an English class, so too did the West with Greece.
Greece can only derive a sense of purpose by feeling purely Hellenic–the cultural giants who gave us philosophy, arts, music, and the New Testament Bible. It has been force fed this continuous message from the days of Lord Byron: “You are special, no one else is like you”. Again and again, it was repeated and reinforced, much like the millennial generation of today. (Unfortunately, none of us is special) The comical “My Big Fat Greek Wedding” might have accidentally shed a truthful side of the Greek mentality when one of its characters stated that he believed there were only two types of people: “Greeks and those who wish they were Greek”. For Greece, being Greek can mean only being a Greek-speaking Orthodox Christian, direct descendent of Pericles and Herodotus. Anything outside of that narrow chasm is a direct and dangerous threat to their identity. After all, how else can we make sense of a Greek populace that was once partially Albanian-speaking, partially imported from Turkey, and all ruled by a German king?
-Create the biggest safe space in modern Europe, free from all dissent and opposing facts.
The biggest enemy to Greece is not the Macedonians, Turks, or elite international bankers– it is their own leadership, who continue to propagate and enforce a dangerous ideological purity with a brutal intolerance of dissent and change. Greece may herald itself as the cradle of democracy, but it was within the cradle of fantasies and pampering that modern-day Greece was born. And this swaddled fantasy cannot survive, so long as the Macedonians are allowed to exist.
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Over the past couple of decades, a lot has happened in the Balkan region ranging from ethnic tension and small conflict to full-scale war. One nation that has traditionally dealt with fewer ethnic issues would be the Republic of Macedonia. Macedonia has long been considered the “Switzerland of the Balkans”, having been able to avoid bloodshed on its way to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991. In this role as the supposed land of peace, Macedonia has been the homeland of ethnic Macedonians and also served as a secure multicultural land for many other diverse ethnic groups, such as Albanians, but also Turks, Roma, Vlachs, and Serbs, among others. For a long time there have been minor conflicts between Macedonian-Albanians and ethnic Macedonians, but generally the two groups of people have had little trouble coexisting. Broadly speaking, these groups have both lived side-by-side for hundreds of years and have been able to look passed the ethnic and religious differences. Nonetheless, there have been cases where this peace has been challenged, especially between 1999-2001, when an overflow of Kosovo refugees entered Macedonia.
The 3-year span during 1999-2001 has undoubtedly played a large role in influencing the growth and stability of Macedonia today. However, to adequately assess what has happened in the country we must first uncover the root cause of ethnic tension. Let’s start with the late 1960’s, when ethnic clashes in Macedonia became more vivid. In November 1968, there were intense nationalistic uprisings taking place in Pristina, Kosovo (then part of Yugoslavia) leading up to Albanian Independence Day. These protests were a by-product of ethnic Albanian demands for increased autonomy in the years following WWII. Just a month later, the same types of riots took place in Tetovo (a city in northwest Macedonia), and it appeared that Macedonian-Albanians had followed the trend of their neighbors in Kosovo. However, this chain of events is a bit more complicated than it appears. One prominent professor of Turkish studies, Isa Blumi, makes the intriguing argument that these protesters in Tetovo were actually Kosovar Albanians who fled Pristina after fierce suppression from Yugoslavian armed forces—this would explain where unrest within Macedonian territory stems. Other established scholars from the region have shared similar sentiment, implying that the ethnic issues in Macedonia have long been associated with instability in Kosovo. Biljana Vankovska-Cvetkovska, a well-known professor at the University of Skopje sums it up best inher 1999 article, stating, “One can notice that almost every tension in Macedonia has been a reflection of the influx of Kosovo activists rather than a result of an authentic activism of Macedonia’s ethnic Albanians.” It is crucial to understand this because it exposes the often-forgotten reality of the situation: Macedonian-Albanians were not inherently anti-Macedonian and never really were, but they have frequently been influenced directly and indirectly by the Kosovars over the past several decades.
Source: CNN
Now, let us fast-forward to 1981, where this situation grew more complicated. One common misnomer is the perception that the Albanian minority in Macedonia has not had proper rights—and this is simply untrue. A fairer evaluation would acknowledge that Albanians were somewhat underrepresented in political and economic institutionsin the early 1980’s, which is certainly something that needed to be addressed. However, to surmise that this alone would create a basis for ethnic conflict in Macedonia would be a major overstatement, especially given the fact that Macedonian-Albanians have traditionally been seen as one of the better-treated minorities in all of the Balkans. Moreover, there are many other minorities that have had more constrained representation in the Macedonian government but violent measures were never taken because of it. In other words, there are dozens of nations all over the world that have had issues incorporating an appropriate proportion of minorities into political and economic sectors, and this often leads to a degree of political discourse—but never a full-scale insurgency such as the one in Macedonia during 2001. Now that the foundation of this discussion has been laid, we are able take a closer look at the infamous conflict itself and where it began.
Prior to 1999, there were major clashes taking place in neighboring Kosovo between the Kosovar Albanians and Serbian government, under the watch of Slobodan Milosevic. The Serbian government, in an effort to express its control over the territory of Kosovo, killed thousands of Kosovars, prompting international intervention. NATO, in 1999, decided the best course of action was to evacuate huge groups of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and let them seek refuge elsewhere— primarily in Macedonia and Albania. This was problematic for a couple of reasons. Firstly, because NATO sent over 360,000 ethnic Albanian refugees from Kosovo into Macedonia, a country of just 2 million people. It is interesting to note that there was immense international pressure on the young country to undertake these refugees, with the understanding that many of them were supposed to be heading towardsAlbania proper. The whole operation put a major strain on the Macedonian people and government, having undertaken a large group of refugees that amounted to approximately 15% of its total population. To put this into perspective, imagine the United States taking in 50 million refugees from Mexico; the problems that it would cause the citizens and government are inconceivable. It is highly unlikely that the United States would take in so many refugees, but that’s precisely the ratio of migrants Macedonia was taking relative to its population in 1999 during the Kosovo conflict.
A Macedonian policeman walks ahead of a group of refugees crossing the border checkpoint of Blace, some 25 kms north of the Macedonian capitol Skopje 24 April 1999, after their arrival from Kosovo by train. Source: European Pressphoto Agency / Georgi Licovski
Aside from this major misstep by NATO and many western powers, greater concerns exist when it comes to Macedonia’s well-being. An even bigger issue is the constant reference from mainstream global media describing the 2001 conflict as being a near “civil war”. What took place on Macedonian land in 2001 was terrorism at its worst. The extremists of the Kosovo Liberation Army (or KLA), led by Ali Ahmeti, had a chief goal of taking over the western territory of Macedonia and dividing the state. The dream of these radical guerrilla fighters was to create a “Greater Albania”. One of Ahmeti’s commanders explicitly said this after the conflict ended, stating, “like all wars, ours was for territory–not because of some “human rights” problem!”. This is what the west does not seem to understand (or chooses not to understand)–the fight in 2001 was not for “greater rights” on behalf of Macedonian-Albanians, but was a legitimate attempt to destabilize the country and take over the predominantly Albanian western territory. Just because there was violence done upon the people of Kosovo by the Serbian government, this does not and should not permit ethnic Albanian extremists to attack and terrorize a nation that did nothing to provoke such violence. It is at this juncture where the international community failed by taking a deplorably soft approach post-2001 when dealing with these terrorists, an approach that has not helped the situation in the slightest. For this reason, it is imperative that the rest of the world takes a closer look at the situation in Macedonia from a different vantage point.
One thing that will inevitably not be forgotten by the people of Macedonia is what became of the KLA terrorists—thanks to the Ohrid Framework Agreement and international pressure for peace the vast majority of them were granted amnesty. Several of these same KLA extremists (i.e Ali Ahmeti, Talat Xhaferi) who attempted to destroy the unity of the Macedonian homeland and instill fear amongst its citizens now possess power in some of the most influential political offices. In the vast majority of democracies around the world, it is doubtful that such criminals would even be granted forgiveness let alone serve the people of the country they tried to demolish. Having allowed these kinds of guerrilla fighters the right to serve in the domestic government has only incited violence and created unnecessary ethnic hatred amongst Macedonians and Albanians.
“Our aim is solely to remove [Macedonian] Slav forces from territory which is historically Albanian” – Ali Ahmeti to a western journalist in March 2001. Source: The Coming Balkan CaliphateThe biggest problem that remains is a continued tension ever since this conflict between Macedonians and Albanian extremists in 2001. Macedonians feel threatened by the possibility of another Albanian uprising, and Albanians who have lived in Macedonia their whole lives feel unfairly blamed for a conflict they had no hand in. This conflict is all too often made into an issue of Macedonians and Albanians hating each other, and to many outside of the Balkans this is “just another fight in a region that just can’t seem to get along”. And yes, there was a faction of Albanians (mostly based from Kosovo) that did pose a major threat and had a strong hate for the Macedonian government, but this does not accurately represent the Macedonian Albanians. There were (and still are!) a large group of Albanians who never even considered supporting this violent action and had no reason to dislike the Macedonians or their government. However, the external actions of political leaders in both Kosovo and Albania have made ethnic harmony difficult, especially in recent months.
When it comes to relations with Kosovo since their independence, Macedonia has been a great ally. The country has practiced good neighborly relations on countless instances: Macedonia welcomed a large amount of Kosovo refugees during 1999, recognized Kosovo knowing that it would severely hinder relations with Serbia, supported Kosovo’s UNESCO membership, and consistently helped Kosovo have a seat at the table. Macedonia has served as Kosovo’s top supporter in the Balkans after Albania. One recent development that has caused instability and brought further resentment from the Macedonian people and government is interference in Macedonia’s internal affairs by Edi Rama, Albania’s Prime Minister. Prior to Macedonian parliamentary elections, Rama invited the main Albanian parties in Macedonia to attend a meeting in Tirana to discuss a joint political platform for all Albanians. This is a clear overstep by Rama and it can only breed further instability in Macedonia—Edi Rama does not have the right to exert influence on a foreign nation. Other provocations have come from Hashim Thaci, the President of Kosovo. He has harshly criticized the actions of President Gjorge Ivanov, who refused to grant the government mandate to SDSM and its coalition with three Albanian parties. It is these types of provocations that make it challenging to maintain ethnic cohesion within Macedonia.
With all factors considered, the main takeaway here is this: NATO and other western powers were the largest culprits of this conflict and its aftereffects, because they put groups of people into a place and situation that was ripe for violence to break out. Knowing the history and vulnerability in allowing Kosovars to flood into Macedonia should have immediately deterred them from implementing this plan. In the end, the ones who have suffered most are Macedonian citizens of all backgrounds, and the effects of this are still felt today—people and government have both become more polarized than ever, creating a highly unstable and increasingly nationalistic atmosphere.
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Toronto Dance Ensemble "Makedonka" Source: Youtube Screenshot
Being a part of a Macedonian home in the Western world is interesting. You have a lot of things to learn, a lot of rules to follow, and a lot of cooking and cleaning to do. These are the circumstances most diaspora members experience in the Macedonian household.
Thankfully, when it comes to keeping Macedonian culture in this household, parents typically push their children to learn how to speak both Macedonian and another language. In my case, like many others, I learned to speak Macedonian first, but then I stopped because I had to learn English for school. I later learned to speak it thoroughly when I was 7. Having children go through this means that the Macedonian culture will still be able to live on in other places. Unfortunately, in many instances, the culture has had to be put on the back-burner due to the immediate need of a family to assimilate and acclimate to a new location.
Typical Macedonian households, aside from valuing Macedonia’s culture and language, also value education. Parents usually hold their struggle to get here over their children to ensure they work hard because they “came here so you could get a better education and future”—meaning excellent grades must be maintained. This staple argument rebuttal is used to remind children where they came from and how to do something to show that there is a higher purpose to the sacrifices that have been made for them. I would be lying if I didn’t say that this mean getting almost straight A’s for as long as I could remember.
Not only does being in a Macedonian household change one’s habits, it also changes their taste buds. Being in a common Macedonian household means a feast of traditional Macedonian dishes is guaranteed– even for the smallest of gatherings. Whether that is for coffee or for a slava, parents and grandparents try to teach the youth as many recipes as they can to ensure that when they are off on their own one day, they can learn to make these for their own children, and try to keep their Macedonian culture alive. Don’t get me wrong- I could go for a typical Western meal any day, but burek, gravče and sirenje will always have a special place in my heart.
The Macedonian parenting style in Western culture is very hard to find a balance in. For instance, you might drink your first glass of rakija before you enter high school, but might not be able to go out past 10 pm unless you’re with Macedonians. Unfortunately, having this diaspora lifestyle means that your social life is barely existent unless you’re with Macedonians. For instance, if you had to go to dinner with Rachel from school, you wouldn’t be allowed. However if you were going to a party with Bojana, they wouldn’t care as much- after all, naši sme right?
All of these little lessons taught from Macedonian households that are still adapting to a new society teach great skills of independence, hospitality and heritage. Although unconventional to onlookers, new generations of Macedonians are going to go far with what they have obtained in their household. However, in all of these a common thread of one lesson can be learned, which is to raise Macedonian kids to be proud of who they are. It is the best way for us to help our homeland, by raising Macedonians invested in helping our ancestral land and being able to make changes.
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
While Jana Burćeska infectious pop ballad finds itself to be easily one of the best entries Macedonia has had for Eurovision in years, it also raises some interesting, (and quite sophisticated) questions and assumptions as to where the nature of virtual reality will head next.
In her video, an elderly version of Jana is seen in a neutral toned room, with shattered glass and plates, and a shot of a former lover it is presumed next to a VR headset. Elderly Jana runs her fingers along her skin, pushing her hair up in an updo, before a panning shot of her hand picks up the glasses, places them over her face. She is immediately thrust into a much more modern setting of the same room with the man in the photograph we see at the beginning of the music video dancing alongside her. Shots of a much younger and playful Jana are intercut with bright flashes of red and blues that demonstrate what she is actually seeing through her VR headset. The VR headset functions as a way for Jana to relive her past to relive moments of dancing with a loved one.
And pretty sophisticated ideas are explored : Can VR be a stand in for people to be able to relive precious moments?
Most VR is used and implemented in video games allowing its user to to be involved in a completely immersive experience. Along with gaming, virtual headsets, specifically the Oculus Rift, are trying to break through to different forms of media such as film. Spherical videos (which are also known as 360 degree videos) can be viewed by the user by simply moving the user’s head around creating a full space and which you’ve probably seen as an option in some of the Youtube videos you’ve come across.
As for the social implementations of VR in it’s current state, VR developers are currently testing ways to allow multiple users to inhabit a shared space and to interact with objects. Some VR headsets are also used for treatment for patients suffering from PTSD and this form of Virtual Reality Exposure Therapy is used for the reduction, primarily, of PTSD in veterans.
While VR is in the works to be a household item in the next few decades, this implemented technology and its ability to traverse different forms of media allow it to affect and appeal to many different people – especially to people who want to relive
Jana removing the VR headset.
specific moments and times in their lives. Currently in development, there are multiple VR platforms that allow users to record moments, functioning like a camera, as it records a video and creates a 360 degree version of the file. You’ll be able to recreate the moment you tied your cousin’s shoe, a night out with friends in Bitola, or the time you had your first swig of rakija. But while VR might be a fantastic way for us to document and save our most cherished memories, there is a danger that VR poses like any other new form of technology – it may affect our interpersonal skills and affect our ability to relate to actual reality. We could use VR as a means of escape – as perhaps an addictive alternative to the real world. At the end of Jana’s video, we see her young self lift her headset off her head, and she is thrust back into the reality- and we realize the room is the same as it has been for years – The broken glass in the same spot, the frame in the same corner of the room suggesting our elderly Jana and her complete negligence of the room’s state, and of her own. While VR can replicate and allow us to feel certain things once more , we will still find ourselves “dancing alone.”
[trx_infobox style=”regular” closeable=”no” color=”#FFFFFF” bg_color=”#E60209″] Best wishes and luck to Jana Burćeska this year at the Eurovision Song Contest in Kyiv![/trx_infobox]
If you are interested in VR, please be sure to visit Kinetiqreality.com, a Macedonian company providing world-class virtual reality technology
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Anybody who has ever met somebody from Bitola knows that we hold our city on a pedestal unlike many others. Seldom can any warm-blooded Bitola native hear “Bitola Moj Roden Kraj” and not shed a tear. 500 other recorded songs alone attest to the fact that the city has had a particular prestige in the hearts and memories of its natives and all those who found warmth in its hospitality. Part of our folklore, like elsewhere in Macedonia, talks about the heartache of pechalbari* leaving their homes, and Bitola waiting for their return that would never come. As an emigre who never returned home, I know this separation first hand. I know the pain of being torn from one’s home. However, I also know the pain of watching the life of your city slowly drained.
Part of growing up in the diaspora is coming to terms with the fact that our beloved homeland, so adored in our songs and hearts, is not what currently exists. Having gone to Bitola more times than I can recall over the years, I have seen this first hand. Every year I noticed more and more of my family and friends having gone to stranstvo**. Just on my street alone, friends I knew have moved to Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark—and sadly, even Bulgaria. Out of a scene from Atlas Shrugged, I drive by and see the abandoned factories—vestigial remnants of a once proud and industrious city. Ironically, in a Shakespearean twist, the biggest employer of the city is also slowly suffocating it.
Closed stores in the Old Bazaar district of Bitola
Now, the disease has spread to the very heart of the city, the famed Sirok Sokak. Not only is it a shell of its former self, with no youthful exuberance and carefree idleness to stroll through its street, but it is has become anemic for businesses. Recent reports show that some 12 stores in a row have closed their doors. With uncertainty about the future, and less overall consumer spending, stores and restaurants that once served to distract us from the coming storm have now also abandoned us. Now, reality has set in.
The prime movers and intelligentsia of the city have fled. For a city of the arts that once boasted 1,200 private pianos that filled the air with Mozart, Bitola in 2017 does not even have a proper bookstore to showcase its proud history. For a city which boldly and unapologetically pushed into the future with its first film footage in the Balkans shot by the Manaki brothers, it now does not even have an official theater. In its past, Bitola had running water and electricity before Skopje even did. Now, the city is dotted with abandoned construction sites for shopping centers, garages, and houses—a painful reminder of the hopes and dreams we shared as a city.
Between our love of our homeland and a good vacation, the diaspora often come across a negative stigma when at home. We may shout our love of Macedonia to the world, but we are often asked if our patriotism would remain true if we were to live the lives of our brethren back home. I don’t know how many of us, myself included, can answer in the affirmative. As Bitolchani, we may be sustained by images of our former glory—a veritable European cosmopolitan and City of Consuls– but the truth is, our city is not the city we remember.
Many decades ago, we waited with sorrow and disillusionment for our pechalbari to return. Now, we are waiting for our city to return. Statistics on GDP growth and official unemployment may be used to paint a different picture, but no numbers can cover up the fact that life is pouring out of Bitola. The current system is unsustainable and will inevitably lead to a loss of not just Bitola, but many parts of Macedonia. No party platform can fix this. As the diaspora, our dollars can only go so far in the summer months, before the cold reality of winter sets in. The first step in solving a problem is realizing there is one. As the diaspora, we cannot live on just singing songs about our home and then returning for vacation as more foreigners than actual Macedonians back home. The only way to stop the bleeding is to re-build. We must support our communities, support worthy causes, and develop a true connection to our land and the struggles of its people. Most importantly, we must restore the confidence in Macedonia that is depleted every single day from another person having gone abroad. We have been blessed to call America, Canada, and Australia our homes, and we cannot stand by while the life is drained from the cities that gave us form. We cannot be the disillusioned lost generation that parties aimlessly to drown out the moans of our city. We cannot, and will not, be the pechalbari that did not return.
*pechalbari is the name for Macedonian migrants that sought to temporarily work abroad to save up money and eventually return home
**stranstvo is the catch-all word denoting abroad, but usually referring to the West.
[trx_call_to_action title=”Give Back to Macedonia” subtitle=”Support UMD’s Crucial Work That Gives Hope to Macedonians” style=”1″ accent=”no” custom=”no” link=”https://www.umdgenm.org/get-involved/” link_caption=”Join Generation M” link2=”http://www.umdiaspora.org/index.php/en/charitable-efforts-content/66-charitable-efforts/1251-umd-ajvar-5k-proceeds-donated-to-emanuil-plus-to-help-children-with-cerebral-palsy” link2_caption=”Help Children in Macedonia”][/trx_call_to_action]
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Goce Delcev’s image adorns the living rooms, school rooms, and church halls of many places around the world that Macedonians call home. We sing about him in our folk songs, and hold his virtues and wisdom to the highest standard.
Or so we think.
Like many heroes, Goce is often celebrated and revered, but not understood. As the famous Macedonian folk song says, “We don’t have our Goce Delcev anymore/to wave the Macedonian flag/but he gave an oath to his people/to fight on and not forget the Macedonian name”. We have placed upon ourselves the burden of Goce Delcev’s sacred struggle, but we are more content affirming Goce Delcev was Macedonian, than living by his ideals. There are two lessons from the life of Goce Delcev that we desperately need to hear and apply today.
In 1891, Goce Delcev left Solun to pursue higher education at the Sofia Military Academy in Bulgaria. The 19-year-old Goce was already showing himself to be rebellious by nature, and not afraid to live by his convictions. A few years before, at the Cyril and Methodius Men’s High School in Solun, during an outing in the school yard in which songs were sung to the local Turkish vali on the occasion of the Sultan’s birthday, the boys were forced to shout “çok yaşa!” (long may he live). Young Goce however, electrified the schoolyard by shouting “aşaği!”(down with him). This was the strength of his convictions—surrounded by Ottoman officials (who thankfully did not hear him) he openly defied the Ottoman Empire. However, a few years later, Goce went on to enroll in the military academy, since jobs for teachers were incredibly scarce in Macedonia. During his first few months there, he noticed many students were openly hostile to a student by the name of Hussein Tefeikov. Hussein’s family, although not being ethnically Turkish, was considered as such since they had converted to Islam generations back. The idea of a Muslim Turk in the ranks was repugnant to many of the students—all of whom had no doubt experienced the brutality of centuries of Turkish rule. Goce was also disgusted—at the students. Seeing the boys ridicule and torture Hussein was appalling to him. To Goce, it was as intolerable for Macedonia to be under Ottoman rule, as it was for Turks to be outcast and vilified for being Turkish. Goce would later go on to befriend him, a sign of humility and common ground we desperately need today.
Goce would be appalled by our divisiveness today. We are not only split amongst ethnic lines, but also political, and even geographic. When Goce spoke of Macedonia for the Macedonians, he quite literally meant everyone in Macedonia, who by virtue of living in Macedonia could be considered Macedonian. Today we have Macedonians that are ethnically Macedonian, but also Albanian, Turkish, Vlach, Serb and so forth. We have shared this mountainous patch of earth called Macedonia for centuries. Yet, we lost our ways. Not only do we exclude our neighbors, but also we now exclude ourselves. I remember by baba’s stories of her youth about how during the days of food shortages under socialism, Macedonians and Turks would share what little food they had to ensure they all survived the winters. Now, in the days of higher thinking, whole churches, communities, and even organizations in the diaspora have hostilities toward each other. We see the fight for Macedonia as a zero sum game—some will have to lose for us to win. The Ottoman Turks back in the day were bewildered as Muslims how Orthodox Christians were so easily betraying each other for lira. This is the curse that we have to break. If we want any hope of our country and nationhood surviving another quarter century, we need to make changes. We can no longer marginalize and denounce members of our own communities. Goce knew that Ottoman Empire ruled for centuries because the people could never unify, and they fed off that disunity. Today, those who wish us ill are no different. When Greek and Bulgarian organizations see the chaos that erupts between our communities, they are only incentivized to pursue their agendas even further. Not only do we have to unify, we have to unify across political and ethnic lines. When Goce dreamt of a free and prosperous Macedonia, he realized such goals would never be achieved when small acts such as disdain for the “others” still persisted. We have to realize that a future that excludes anyone in Macedonia is a future that excludes all of us.
Later on in life, Goce was a head inspector of schools in most of Macedonia, which served as a perfect guise for his revolutionary activity and travel. As a natural leader of the revolutionary committee he received many correspondences from various key individuals that were in charge of bringing weapons—both physical and of the mind—into Macedonia. However, in 1895 а hotheaded revolutionary by the name of Aleksandar Chakurov tried to independently launch a pre-mature rebellion in the Vinista region, his assumption being that Russia would notice and step in to help. Goce, writing to a local chairman responsible for arms transport in Kyustendil, Bulgaria fired off and blasted the foolishness of such thinking. “Did His Grace (Chakurov ) believe his own words, what he said verbally and in letters to G. Ivanov: ‘I’ll raise an internal rebellion, and as soon as the banner is unfurled, then Russia, O glorious Russia, will fly into Macedonia on the spot, and there you are—we are free’??!! Is that what he thinks? Is this how we educated our rebels? If you feed the people with such empty hopes then you must realize that even the most outstanding hero will fall into utter despair.”
But let’s forget Macedonia’s inane love affair with Russia—the sole reason behind Bulgaria’s existence. I will not discuss how all of Macedonia would today be Bulgarian if the Russian-backed Treaty of San Stefano was not overturned. The problem is not who we place our trust in. It’s the fact that we do so much. Goce knew, perhaps better than anyone, how solving one’s problems begins with a deep look in the mirror. When we blame others for our problems, and then expect others to save us, we live inside a contradiction. We omit reality and pursue a dangerous path of unrealistic expectations. The truth is, no one, not President Trump nor Premier Putin, can save us. The path to prosperity is arduous. It requires an honest evaluation of our own problems, and not a projection of them upon others. Let’s remember Goce’s famous line, “The revolution of the heart, mind and soul of an enslaved people is our greatest task”. We are no different, even centuries later. We are enslaved by our way of thinking where we do not embrace reality and work to shape it in our image. Macedonians waited for 500 years for a glorious liberator. Goce was the first to tell us no one would come and we would not taste freedom if we did not do it ourselves. We mourned his death, but then we moved on and placed our trust in Bulgaria, then Serbia, then the United States, and now Russia. When will the time come when we place our trust in the Macedonian people? Goce Delcev, a man whom we gave an oath and try to fulfill every single day, awaits our answer.
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
Today, the tiny picturesque town of Krushevo turns the wheel of time and relives 1903. Macedonian freedom fighters, known as komiti, parade into town on their horses to the uproaring acclaim of the crowd. The celebrations are all centered around an area known as Bear’s Rock, noted by a large statue of a man throwing a rock. Here, 113 years ago, stood the last line of defense to the Krushevo Republic. Ilinden, or Day of St. Elijah, commemorates the day that Macedonia attempted to overthrow the Ottoman Empire.
Macedonian freedom fighters, or komiti, entering Bear’s Rock.
While the rebellions occurred throughout Macedonia, the little town of Krushevo did something remarkable. For 10 days, and 10 days only, they had created the first republic in Europe. Amidst the vast sea of monarchies, Krushevo greeted governance with a breath of fresh air. It embraced its diversity, and created a ruling body comprised of equal representation from every ethnic group. After 500 years of oppression, Macedonians, Albanians, Aromanians, and Jews alike, finally took control over their own destinies. That is what the final battle at Bear’s Rock was all about. Traditionally, it is thought to be the spot where famous Aromanian-Macedonian revolutionary Pitu Guli, along with his company of fighters, died protecting the young republic. The statue is of a fighter using a rock to repel the Ottomans, a last resort after the bullets had run out. Esoterically, it represents Macedonia at that junction in time–Macedonia, the last remaining jewel of the Ottoman Empire, with its rich ports and fertile land, had sustained the Ottoman Empire for centuries. Now, 500 years later, with its knees buckling and arms trembling, it finally shrugged from and overthrew the burden.
The last defense of Krushevo
All in all, Ilinden was a premature failure. The Ottomans quickly put down the rebellion and bombarded Krushevo into submission once more. However, what the Ottomans and all autocrats failed to recognize is that ideas cannot be destroyed. The idea behind Ilinden was so particularly strong that it sustained the Macedonian people from the future horror that would be inflicted upon them with the partition of Macedonia. While it is a controversial idea, Macedonian intellectuals and statesmen knew of their ancient origin. Nikola Karev, President of the Krushevo Republic, was even quoted in a Greek newspaper stating that he is a Macedonian and a direct descendent of Alexander the Great. What this signifies is that many Macedonians knew their history, and knew how long they had been under oppression. It was not just the Ottomans they were overthrowing that hot August day–it was every occupation that had occurred. Since the conclusion of the Macedonian-Roman wars in the 3nd century, Macedonia had been under occupation for close to two millennia. However, on the eve of the Ilinden rebellion, a people who should have been lost to the history books, still clung to the idea that Macedonia would finally be liberated, and they would be free to speak their language, attend their place of worship, and dance their music in freedom. The future would prove a harsh reality for Macedonia. Not only was its freedom denied, but in ten years it would completely disappear from the map; the Treaty of Bucharest saw its forcible partition, while the Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian governments moved to completely erase the Macedonian people from history. In 1948, in the midst of the Greek Civil War that saw the largest and most brutal exodus of Macedonians in history, the spirit of Ilinden remained. A rare photograph from an abandoned village in Aegean Macedonia shows the words, “Long Live Ilinden, Long Live the Revolution” written on a building wall. This was written at a time when even speaking the Macedonian language was punishable by death. Yet, then as before, Macedonians stared into the face of death and openly defied it. It comes as no surprise that August 2nd was also the date that the Macedonian state finally emerged from the grip of fascism in 1944.
Faded graffiti saying “ДА ЖИВЕЕ ИЛИНДЕН” (Long Live Ilinden) in the Aegean Macedonian village of Drenoveni.
While Macedonia may now be divided, and its people oppressed, Ilinden continues to animate and sustain the Macedonian spirit. In Greece, Macedonian villagers proudly celebrated Ilinden in their own unique way—all the while surrounded by Greek police and pressure not to. Goce Delcev famously said that the interests and future of Macedonia are inseparable from the Macedonian people. Today, 113 years after the Ilinden uprising, the attempt to erase the Macedonian identity continues to dominate politics in Greece and Bulgaria. The ideas of invasion and occupation may seem far removed from any sense of reality in the 21st century, but we cannot let ignorance become our ally. As President Ronald Reagan said, we must live knowing that freedom is never more than one generation from being extinct. In the world we live in, freedom is neither a guarantee nor a right. This is what Ilinden teaches us. In truth, it is not one revolution rebelling against one occupation. It is the culmination of all efforts to free Macedonia, as well as the on-going battle to preserve who we are, and ensure our identity and culture survives for the next generation. Our future continues to hang on the hinges, and everyday is our Ilinden. Everyday we will face challenges to rebuke our oppressors, and preserve who we are. However, when push comes to shove, will we be able to unite once more, and do what is needed in the face of overwhelming pressure? The day we forget what Ilinden stood for, is the day we will have finally lost the battle. Today as Macedonians from all over visit the hallowed ground of Bear’s Rock, one can almost hear the voice of all those lost–the wisdom of the ages, reminding us of their sacrifice and dreams. By visiting the site, we not only commemorate their sacrifice, but proudly embrace their struggle.
Macedonians revolutionaries embracing the uncertainty of the future.
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The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.
