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Bulgaria’s Playground Politics: An Attack on European Values

The small landlocked nation at the heart of the Balkans recently made the transition from ‘the country formally known as’ to the ‘the country which shall not be named.’ One can now watch politicians and diplomats bend over backwards trying to avoid Freudian slips during speeches. Or releasing carefully crafted, emoji-filled, tweets, to avoid having to say the peoples’ chosen name for their country: Macedonia.

Despite what many internet debates and news headlines might have you believe, the Macedonian Issue, as it stands today, is not a 3000-year-old unresolvable historical debate. That debate may very well exist for the historians to have, but that debate has no business being the concern of politicians, or historians forced to work under the demands, and influence, of political treaties – such as the Friendship Treaty between Macedonia and Bulgaria, and previously the Prespa Agreement with Greece. The Macedonian Issue is a geopolitical issue, it should have never been characterised as a debate in the first place. Certain things are not up for negotiation, self-determination and human rights being at the forefront of that list. Yet, it is precisely these issues that are being debated in Europe today.

Recently Bulgaria threatened to block Macedonia’s EU accession talks (set to begin in December) over the fact that Macedonians regard leading revolutionary figure, Goce Delcev, as a Macedonian national hero. Bulgaria’s Deputy Prime Minister, Krasimir Karakachanov, declared that he found Macedonia’s treaty mandated cooperation, on the Joint History Commission, unsatisfactory. That declaration is among the tamer of things Karakachanov, and his far-right, ultra-nationalist party colleagues, have said. According to the Bulgarian government’s stance, the Macedonian identity, culture, and language were engineered under Yugoslavia, as an evil ploy by Josip Broz Tito to brainwash the Macedonian populace into thinking they were something other than Bulgarian. This claim is beyond laughable and is undeserving of a response; because there is no way of answering the accusation, without simultaneously entertaining the attack on self-determination that underlies it.

In a world where conflicts brew at the feet of dethroned statues because one man’s hero is another man’s oppressor, Macedonia’s friendly neighbour is playing a different game altogether. According to the Bulgarian political narrative, one man’s hero can only be one man’s hero, and so the Bulgarian and Macedonian people must be one of the same, thus it being impossible for the former to have once oppressed the later. Assimilation policies of the 21st century.

This is not about who can celebrate Goce Delcev, both nations can if they so please. This is about the fact that right now, and not in the foggy pages of history, there exist a people with a collective national consciousness, peacefully exercising their basic rights to self-determination and governance, as Macedonians. The reality of this cannot be debated by any self-respecting advocate and believer in human rights. Yet, this is a reality which Macedonia’s neighbours cannot come to terms with; instead, unreasonably demanding that their neighbouring people justify, and explain their national consciousness. As a result, a people which lost over 7000 of their fellow Jewish Macedonians, during WW2, are forced into the Orwellian nightmare, which is the ‘Joint History Commission’, with the very country responsible for that holocaust. But let us not speak of ‘fascist occupation’, because according to the declaration adopted by the Bulgarian Parliament, last year, Macedonia must stop using the term ‘fascist occupation’ in reference to Bulgaria, and remove such mention from its World War 2 memorials and documentation… apparently, the irony of this was missed in Parliament. By denying the Macedonians their unique and independent national consciousness, Bulgaria is seeking to absolve itself of liability as past occupier and oppressor, whilst becoming a modern-day oppressive gatekeeper, of a country desperate for European integration and collaboration.

So why is Bulgaria doing this? Outside of good old imperialism, and an attempted cover-up of its fascist past, the current political scene in Bulgaria is chaotic. There have been claims that the resurgence of the Macedonian Issue is a PR stunt by the Boyko Borisov government, to distract from the countrywide, anti-corruption and anti-government, protests. Either way, it is Bulgaria’s lack of European values, integration, and collaboration, as an EU member state, which is standing in the way of Macedonia’s EU accession – the real Macedonian Issue.

Any opinions or views expressed in articles or other pieces appearing in UMD Voice are those of the author alone and are not necessarily those of the United Macedonian Diaspora and its young leaders’ program Generation M; the appearance of any such opinions or views in UMD Voice is not and should not be considered to be an endorsement by or approval of the same by UMD and Generation M.

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Minority Rights and Treatment of the Macedonians in Greece in the 20th and 21st Century

Think of any European Union member state; wouldn’t you envision it holding up core European Union values? Well, unfortunately, for the ethnic Macedonian minority population in Greece, it has seen its birthright to basic human rights encroached upon by the government, population, and church of Greece from the early 1900s to this day. This is important because every minority should have their rights respected, and for a European Union member, this should be a non-issue. Self-determination is a right that should be afforded to all peoples and defined as; their right to freely determine their political status, economic, social, and cultural development (UNPO: Self-Determination). Greece denies the Macedonians their basic and fundamental right to self-determination with their oppressive actions and policy of; forced assimilation and discrimination. To understand why the Macedonians in Greece should be given their basic fundamental rights as a minority we will take a look at the denial of the Macedonian identity, discrimination of the Macedonian minority, and the Greek obligations to international laws.

Denial of the Macedonian identity

The official Greek position is that Greece is ethnically homogenous with only a Muslim minority in western Thrace under the 1923 treaty of Lausanne (Whitman). The Greek assertion is to deny the ethnic Macedonian minority’s human rights and continue along their homogenous path; by implementing a strategy of forced assimilation called Hellenization. In other words, the official Greek policy is to claim that those living in the Macedonia region are simply recognized by geography as Macedonian, which does not include a different ethnic and linguistic background.

Hellenizing of the Macedonians in Greece has been detrimental to a unified Macedonian consensus and has destroyed the existence of Macedonian literacy through force and fear. Hellenization started in the late 1800s but began on a more massive scale in 1913 after the first Balkan war and the partition of Macedonia under the treaty of Bucharest. This process of denial of a different ethnicity began with the physical changing of the names of Macedonians and their graves/churches/cities/towns/villages (Ślupkov). Also included as a part of Hellenization was a series of population exchanges with Turkey and Bulgaria in the 1920s that destabilized the ethnic Macedonian majority in their home area and turned it into a minority, while stimulating the Greek national identity in an area that at one time had a limited reach.

With the Metaxas 4th of August fascist regime of 1936-1941, the Macedonian language was banned, and Hellenization only intensified; repression of expression in the Macedonian language was a major focus. Fines, beatings, and imprisonment occurred to anyone who expressed a Macedonian identity or spoke their mother tongue (Ślupkov). Without question, the Greek civil war from 1943-1949 was tragic, as Macedonian families encountered killings, persecution, imprisonment, and exile at the hands of the Greek government army (Greece’s Invisible Minority, BBC).

The Greek civil war was a war fought between the Greek government army and the communist party of Greece (KKE); the Macedonian minority largely fought with and was favorable towards the KKE because the KKE supported the ethnic Macedonian minority as well as their national identity, although some Macedonians found themselves conscripted and/or to protect their families ended up serving in the Greek army. With the Macedonian minority supporting the KKE the repercussions they endured were enormous; torture, beheadings, hangings, villages burned, imprisonment to prisoner of war camps, and thousands of children and fighters exiled, most of whom would end up never seeing their homes and family again (Macedonia, Virtual 1). The island of Makronisos was the main prisoner of war camp; it was run by Greek priests and the Greek government army. In Makronisos prisoners were beaten daily many of whom were arrested and sent to these islands for doing nothing more than being Macedonian (Makronisos Isle of Shame).

The Greek military junta, led by George Papadopoulos, along with fellow middle-ranking Army officers, from 1967-1974 saw many more Macedonian’s imprisoned. In 1982, with Greece’s socialist government, hostilities lowering as they allowed civil war refugees in exile to return, but only those declaring Greek ethnicity (Greece’s Invisible Minority, BBC). In later years, it was the Macedonians themselves–expatriates and ones still living in Greece, who were afraid to express their national identity and speak their mother tongue due to the fear Hellenization instilled and passed down through generations. These actions led to further oppression of the Macedonian identity, still by forced assimilation. This inhuman policy did not allow the Macedonian minority the right to self-determination by any stretch of the imagination; there was no right of the Macedonians to freely determine their political status, go to their own churches, have their own schools. Instead, they were forcibly Hellenised by the Greek state in their pursuit of homogeneity.

Discrimination of the Macedonian minority

Discrimination against the Macedonians in Greece is still happening; their language and culture are still vehemently denied by the Greek government today. The far-right Neo-Nazi fascist party, Golden Dawn, and police forces continue to intimidate locals and will not allow for the freedom of expression and freedom of association. In 2009 American linguist Victor Friedman, while promoting a Greek to Macedonian dictionary (Balkan Insight), was attacked in Athens by Golden Dawn thugs. With the Macedonian language banned, attempts to open up Macedonian language and cultural centres to preserve the language and culture were all but shut down due to being prohibited by law (Ślupkov). The Macedonian political party, Rainbow, which works for the promotion of Macedonian rights in Greece, has had their party headquarters burned, ransacked and their members persecuted (Country Reports on Human Rights Practices For 1995). Macedonian employees have seen discrimination in the private sector and widespread discrimination in the public sector. Macedonians from Greece who have emigrated for a better life have found discrimination at Greek borders trying to return to their ancestral homes, often denied or given hard times because the place of birth on their passport says the Macedonian name of their village, not the new Greek imposed name (Strezovski). Greek priests refuse to baptise Macedonian children if the parents give a Macedonian name for baptism, and the priest will instead give the child an imposed Greek name as the conditions for the baptism (Loring). Macedonian cultural dances and traditional songs are still frowned upon, as police usually come and harass the villagers until they shut it down.

Macedonian Orthodox Churches in Greece have been left in a state of ruin under direction from the Greek Orthodox Church. The Greek Orthodox Church claims legitimacy over the Macedonian Orthodox Church, which is a violation of the Sevres Treaty signed in 1920 by Greece allowing for all Christians in Greece the right to establish their own autonomous church (Macedonia, Virtual 1). Freedom of the press for Macedonians in Greece has also been limited as the government’s official statement is not to allow “propaganda” to spread against Greece. With the repeated discrimination against the Macedonian minority, we can see the stigma it has generated as well as the implications that have arisen over the years. This discrimination has not allowed the Macedonian minority the right to self-determination; there is no right to the Macedonian’s to freely pursue economic, social, and cultural development.

Greek obligations to international laws

With all that the Macedonian minority of Greece has endured, it is alarming to realize this has happened under the watch and by the hands of a European Union member and signatory of the CSCE Helsinki accords, despite specific articles on national minorities in 1990 and 1991. Despite having joined the European Union in 1981, Greece still doesn’t respect the EU’s fundamental values of respect for human dignity, rights, freedom, democracy, equality, and the rule of law. Moreover, Greece’s actions are also in direct opposition to the treaty of Lisbon signed in 2009, which gives universal rights to citizens, such as political, economic, and social rights. Now since the Macedonian minority are Greek citizens, they are afforded rights and privileges of the European Union and therefore should be respected by the Greek government. However, despite all of this, it hasn’t changed anything for the Macedonians, who still are denied their right to self-determination, identity and are instead left with daily discrimination.

It is now abundantly clear how far Greece has gone to try and achieve ethnic homogeneity, and over a century of forced Hellenization shows that they will keep going without waver. As 21st-century citizens, we all ought to recognize how morally wrong the Greek state has been in its position to not allow the Macedonians their fundamental right to self-determination. The forced assimilation and discrimination have led to death, persecution, and a shame that will forever stain the country of Greece for their treatment of the Macedonians.

References

Feature Photo: The State Archives of the Republic of Macedonia (DARM), https://commons.m.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Deca_begalci_1.jpg

Whitman, Lois. Denying Ethnic Identity. Human Rights Watch, 1994, p. 11.

UNPO: Self-Determination. Unpo.Org, 2017, https://unpo.org/article/4957.

Ślupkov, Ireneusz Adam. The Macedonian National Question In Greece In The Documents Of The Communist Party Of Greece 1918-1940. LULU COM, 2018.

1.Macedonia, Virtual. “Ethnic Macedonians In Greece A Human Tragedy Within The Boundaries Of The European Union”. Virtual Macedonia, 2020, https://vmacedonia.com/history/macedonians-in-greece/ethnic-macedonians-in-greece-a-human-tragedy-within-the-boundaries-of-the-european-union.html.

“Greece’s Invisible Minority”. BBC News, 2020, https://www.bbc.com/news/stories-47258809.

“Chapter I”. Un.Org, 2020, https://www.un.org/en/sections/un-charter/chapter-i/index.html.

2.Macedonia, Virtual. “Denial Of Human Rights For Macedonians In Greece | Virtual Macedonia”. Virtual Macedonia, 2020, https://vmacedonia.com/history/macedonians-in-greece/denial-of-human-rights-for-macedonians-in-greece.html.

MAKRONISOS ISLE OF SHAME”. Greektravel.Com, 2020, https://www.greektravel.com/greekislands/makronisos/.

Country Reports On Human Rights Practices For 1995. U.S. G.P.O., 1996, p. 878.

“Group Storms Greek-Macedonian Dictionary Promotion”. Balkan Insight, 2020, https://balkaninsight.com/2009/06/03/group-storms-greek-macedonian-dictionary-promotion/.

Strezovski, Atanas. “My First Visit To My Birthplace, The Village Neret Near Lerin In Aegean Macedonia”. Pollitecon.Com, 2004, http://www.pollitecon.com/html/life/My_First_Visit_To_My_Birthplace.htm.

Danforth, Loring M. The Macedonian Conflict. Princeton University Press, 1995, pp. 120,121.

Any opinions or views expressed in articles or other pieces appearing in UMD Voice are those of the author alone and are not necessarily those of the United Macedonian Diaspora and its young leaders’ program Generation M; the appearance of any such opinions or views in UMD Voice is not and should not be considered to be an endorsement by or approval of the same by UMD and Generation M.

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Macedonia and the EU – Assessing Bulgaria’s Language Demands

On March 25, 2020, the Council of the European Union issued a written procedure providing updates regarding the enlargement process and potential inclusion of Macedonia and Albania within the EU.  In this brief four-page procedure, Bulgaria details several conditions required to be met before approving Macedonia’s future negotiating framework for EU accession. Among these conditions, the most notable is a peculiar implementation of the “language clause” previously utilized in both the Macedonia – Bulgaria Joint Declaration of 1999 and 2017 Friendship Treaty. More specifically, Bulgaria requested the following:

“Implementation of the “language clause” agreed between Sofia and Skopje in the agreements of the Republic of North Macedonia with the EU, including in the future Negotiating Framework. Thus, the linguistic norm spoken by the population of the Republic of North Macedonia should only be referred to as “the official language of the Republic of North Macedonia” in EU documents/positions/statements, including the future Negotiating Framework. No document/position/statement by the EU and its institutions can be interpreted as recognition of the existence of a separate so-called “Macedonian language”.[1]

In simpler terms, Bulgaria is declaring that the language clause utilized in previous agreements permits an omission of the Macedonian language from future EU correspondence and records. However, this assertion does not seem well-grounded. Even when considering Macedonia’s controversial name change, the language clause itself does not imply that the country’s official language must be called “The official language of the Republic of North Macedonia” instead of the “Macedonian language”. For clarity, the language clauses from both the 1999 Joint Declaration and 2017 Friendship Treaty have been provided below:

Joint Declaration of 1999

“Done at Sofia on 22 February 1999 in two original copies, each one in the official language of both countries, the Bulgarian language, in accordance with the constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria and the Macedonian language, in accordance with the constitution of the Republic of Macedonia, each text being equally authentic.”[2]

Friendship Treaty of 2017

“Signed in two original copies, each in the official languages ​​of the Contracting Parties – Macedonian language, in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and Bulgarian language, in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, with both texts equally important.”[3]

As shown by the above language clauses from 1999 and 2017, the wording states that documents will be printed in the official language of each party in accordance with its constitution – and in both cases the Macedonian and Bulgarian languages are listed. Thus, there is misapplication of the language clause on the part of Bulgaria. Many may wonder why this issue has come up, and the reality is that historical disagreements and political maneuvering have played a factor. Bulgaria has not officially recognized the Macedonian language and continues to deny basic rights to ethnic Macedonians in Bulgaria, often rejecting their existence. For example, a 2019 U.S. State Department Human Rights Report on Bulgaria noted the following: “Authorities continued to deny registration of the Macedonian activist group OMO Ilinden, despite a January judgment and 10 prior decisions of the European Court of Human Rights that the denials violated the group’s freedom of association.”[4]

Stepping back to the language issue, even after contentious passage of the Prespa Name Change Agreement between Macedonia and Greece, it did not cause Macedonia to alter its official language.  Thus, Bulgaria has little substance to support an exclusion of the Macedonian language from being mentioned in EU documents. Claiming that “No document/position/statement by the EU and its institutions can be interpreted as recognition of the existence of a separate so-called “Macedonian language” is a significant provocation and goes against the concept of “good neighborly relations” often championed by the Bulgarian government. One fundamental reason the Bulgarian argument lacks merit is because the Macedonian language has been widely recognized for several decades. Additionally, a denial of the Macedonian language by one country should not diminish Macedonia’s presence within the EU. Trying to impose such censorship of the Macedonian language across the EU not only shows poor form but further strains an already delicate relationship between the two countries. Macedonia and Bulgaria have previously addressed their disagreements through the integration of the language clause within the 1999 and 2017 agreements mentioned earlier. With this clause, Bulgaria has been able to bypass official recognition of the Macedonian language, and Macedonia has been able to maintain relative stability with an important strategic partner – even if the actual agreements have been unjust in some respects (e.g. no protected minority status for ethnic Macedonians in Bulgaria who do not have Macedonian citizenship). 

To presume that the language clause now changes focus to include only the new (and many would argue illegitimate) name, “The official language of the Republic of North Macedonia”, but not the language recognized by the UN and Prespa Agreement is counterintuitive. Perhaps more curious is the fact that an additional condition set forth by Bulgaria is the “Full implementation of treaties between the Republic of North Macedonia and EU Member States”. This would imply that the Prespa Agreement between Macedonia and Greece (an EU member state) must be fully implemented. If so, then the following clause within Article 1(3)(c) of the Prespa Agreement cannot be disregarded:

Article 1(3)(c)

“The official language of the Second Party shall be the “Macedonian language”, as recognised by the Third UN Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names, held in Athens in 1977, and described in Article 7(3) and (4) of this Agreement.”[5]

As shown within Article 1(3)(c), the Prespa Agreement recognizes the Macedonian language, as previously established by the UN in 1977. This further accentuates Bulgaria’s misstep – it cannot simultaneously require implementation of the Prespa Agreement while also lobbying against the Macedonian language, a key feature within the Prespa Agreement. 

There is a clear contradiction between the Prespa Agreement and recent demands made in the EU written procedures from March 25, 2020. This situation displays the vast challenges for a smaller country like Macedonia who is simply vying to become more stable and economically secure. Macedonia has been forced to sacrifice vital national interests to unlock the doors to NATO and the EU, yet still finds itself being taken advantage of by neighboring countries. This situation poses important questions regarding what obstacles lie ahead for Macedonia and whether EU membership is ultimately worth the tradeoff. As has often been the case, the principles of self-determination and mutual respect from neighboring countries seem to be overlooked in the case of Macedonia, and this can only contribute to increased tension and instability in the Balkans.

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Any opinions or views expressed in articles or other pieces appearing in UMD Voice are those of the author alone and are not necessarily those of the United Macedonian Diaspora and its young leaders’ program Generation M; the appearance of any such opinions or views in UMD Voice is not and should not be considered to be an endorsement by or approval of the same by UMD and Generation M.

[1] “Council of the European Union Written Procedure”. Council conclusions on Enlargement and Stabilisation and Association Process the Republic of North Macedonia and the Republic of Albania. March 25, 2020. https://www.parlament.gv.at/PAKT/EU/XXVII/EU/01/66/EU_16606/imfname_10969905.pdf

[2] “Review and Implementation of The Concluding Document of The Twelfth Special Session of The General Assembly Strengthening of Security And Cooperation In The Mediterranean Region Sustainable Development And International Economic Cooperation.” United Nations General Assembly 53rd Session. March 1999. https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/A/53/855

[3] “The Text of the Agreement on Friendship, Good Neighborliness and Cooperation between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Bulgaria”. July 2017. 

Текстот на Договорот за пријателство, добрососедство и соработка меѓу Република Македонија и Република Бугарија

[4] “2019 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Bulgaria”. U.S. Department of State. 2019. https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/bulgaria/

[5] “The Prespa Agreement” Full text of the Final Agreement on Resolving the Macedonian-Greek Name Dispute and Strategic Partnership. 2018.  https://vlada.mk/node/17422

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Failed EU Membership and New Elections: Chance for Revival or More of the Same?

The European Union once again shunned Macedonia’s integration aspirations. Despite positive recommendations by the European Commission and the European Parliament, EU leaders failed to reach an accession decision on Macedonian membership. For 15 years and counting, Macedonia has been stuck before EU’s doors. As disappointing as it is, the latest EU letdown has important ramifications for the future of Macedonian politics.

At least three things became clear after the latest membership fiasco. For one, we must understand that in the absence of meaningful reform, no amount of naïve bargaining with the national interest will be enough to bring Macedonia into the EU. Second, multiple rejections and failures to consolidate EU unanimity demonstrate that the EU is unsure about the benefits from Macedonian membership. Finally, the failure to substantively distinguish Macedonia from Albania in terms of accession progress is a reflection of a broken accession process that undermines EU’s credibility.

You cannot substitute lack of meaningful reforms with naïve idealism

Despite the disappointing decision, there is merit to Macron’s resistance to Macedonia’s EU bid. Whereas the government led by Zaev gave in to virtually every demand by our neighbors, little was accomplished in relation to reform priorities. In fact, Macron’s decision to block Macedonian membership was partially driven by the failure of Macedonian officials to successfully reform the country’s institutions and to strengthen the country’s rule of law.

Macron said that new EU members must demonstrate a range of reforms in economic policy, human rights, rule of law and anti-corruption measures. As he made clear, Macedonia has a long journey before substantive progress in these areas is even possible.

The Macedonian leadership, led by the naïve idealist Zaev, believed that satisfying the ultra nationalistic demands of Greece and Bulgaria would be enough to convince European leaders of our readiness to become an equal member of the bloc. At least one European leader was not convinced.

When strategic vision and planning are replaced by naïve idealism and caving to foreign demands, the result is failure. That much became clear after Macron said no to Macedonian membership in the EU.

Zaev focused the entirety of his reign of power on undermining the Macedonian identity according to the demands of our neighbors. We ended up humiliated by aggressive neighbors interested in hijacking Macedonian national heritage and identity.

Zaev believed that bargaining away our Macedonian identity would have surely opened the way for Macedonian EU accession, by demonstrating the country’s readiness to embrace EU values. But without substantive reforms, his rosy idealism quickly turned gray.

Is It to EU’s Benefit to Welcome Macedonia?

The membership rejection has deeper roots than simply citing failures to implement sufficient reforms. After all, what is it that the EU can gain from Macedonian membership?

Of course, enlarging the Union would allow a more cohesive political bloc, one that is capable of deterring outside influences. It would consolidate a region prone to conflict and instability, and would provide ample opportunity for regional development.

But in order for the gains from potential Macedonian EU membership to be felt by all sides, the EU must envision tangible benefits from Macedonian membership. In a situation in which a country has one of the lowest GDP/capita rates in Europe and one of the most corrupt institutions
on the continent, it is difficult to imagine what benefits the EU can reap.

Macedonian leaders must stop and consider this question very carefully. We ought not to see the EU as an ultimate goal or as a reward for foreign policy concessions. EU membership should be based on mutual benefits, where both Macedonia and the EU gain from Macedonian entry. As it stands, adding Macedonia to the EU would create another problem child for the Union, with little benefits for existing member states.

Our path to prosperity does not begin and end with EU membership. Becoming a member state is only one stop on the way to progress. The path to becoming a prosperous country depends on the ability of Macedonia to embrace change and to fundamentally reorient its institutions and its entire system toward democracy, rule of law, and free markets.

If Macedonia hopes to win the approval of European leaders, our nation’s leadership must build successful strategies for addressing all outstanding issues that stand in the way of Macedonian EU membership. Only by doing so would Macedonia unanimously convince Europe that Macedonian EU membership could be beneficial for all sides.

A Broken Process: EU Needs to Decouple Macedonia and Albania

The fact that Macedonia and Albania were lumped into the same category is tragic. It is true that Macedonia has its set of problems, but Albania is in a league of its own. The country has endemic issues with domestic violence, terrorism, torture, a state sponsored drug industry, corruption, police brutality and an openly anti-LGBTQ culture.

At the very least, the naïve Macedonian leadership demonstrated a wholehearted verbal embrace and dedication to European values, even if they failed to translate any of that in practice. Their Albanian counterparts did not even get that far.

Some European leaders, such as Merkel, recognized that Macedonia has done more on its path to

EU membership. Yet this distinction fell short of decoupling Macedonia and Albania as one and the same in terms of EU ambitions. The EU must clearly separate the two countries if we hope to avoid stalemates in Macedonian accession as a result of Albania’s lack of readiness.

In Summary: Upcoming Elections and Macedonia’s Future

Macedonia is left hanging once more. It appears as though we are stuck in a cycle of perpetual political crises, failed EU attempts, and inconsistent governmental mandates. As disappointed as we all are, there is a lot of work to be done. Macedonia has an upcoming election on April 12th
2020, and it will be interesting to observe the political rhetoric and campaigning that happens.

The elections will be a great opportunity for Macedonia to institute substantive changes into the election model and improve its representative parliamentary system. An idea that has received a lot of traction recently is the establishment of a single-member district, which will make parliamentarians more accountable to the electorate as opposed to their political parties. In addition, an open list proportional representation system will give Macedonians a say in selecting candidates directly, as opposed to political parties choosing their own.

Furthermore, Macedonian politicians should prioritize updating the voter registration lists, in order to decrease the possibilities for election fraud. These changes will improve the state of democracy in Macedonia and will strengthen our country’s commitment to democratic norms and values. Instituting these changes will help Macedonia break free from an endless cycle of early elections and will make politicians closer and more accountable to the electorate.

On a broader level, Macedonia has to remain committed to fighting corruption, strengthening the rule of law, and upholding political rights and freedoms. Joining an organization like the EU would certainly aid our efforts to create a prosperous and free country, but substantive changes must come from within.

Macedonia’s dysfunctional institutional system and its difficulties in improving the rule of law are major obstacles on our path to the EU and to general prosperity. Before we see meaningful reform being implemented, our dreams for joining the EU and becoming a thriving country will remain unfulfilled.

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Any opinions or views expressed in articles or other pieces appearing in UMD Voice are those of the author or interviewees alone and are not necessarily those of the United Macedonian Diaspora and its young leaders’ program Generation M; the appearance of any such opinions or views in UMD Voice is not and should not be considered to be an endorsement by or approval of the same by UMD and Generation M.